The loss of the vocalic case markers and its consequences on surfacing complexity :postulating phonological and morphological change in the Arabic language

Abstract

This thesis examines the loss of case markers in Arabic. It provides a morphophonological investigation assuming there are consequences for losing the vocalic case markers in Arabic. The main consequence is the innovation of the CVCC syllable type in Arabic. The investigation focuses on trilateral nominal that consists underlyingly of فؼًْ CVCC. In its nature, it is a diachronic-synchronic examination that was undertaken upon finding a research gap in literatures. The rationale for conducting this investigation is the evident parallel in the phonological function and the locus between the lost vocalic short markers and the modern epenthetic vowels. In addition to the morpho-syntactical function, case markers in Arabic phonologically prevent final-clusters from surfacing in CVCC underlying sequences. Since modern Arabic dialects lost the vocalic case markers it is expected that they manifest final consonantal clusters on the surface of such nominal underlying CVCC sequences. However, contrary to this expectation, an epenthesis process, which has captured a synchronic interest from phonologists, occurs in the dialects preventing the realization of CVCC syllable type. Notably, no investigation was done to examine the possibility that this epenthesis originated due to the loss of the markers even though phonologists realized that the epenthesis is provoked to prevent the final-clusters from surfacing. This study contributes towards understanding: (i) the loss of the vocalic markers, (ii) the raise of the modern epenthesis and (iii) the innovation the superheavy syllable type CVCC in Arabic. Moreover, a goal in this study is to present an account for the data within a moraic approach in a framework that characteristically captures generalizations through a ranking for constraints in different levels. The account for data in this thesis is through the tools of the Stratal version of Optimality Theory.